Massachusetts Ar 15 - The American arms industry was born in Massachusetts. As recently as 2018 the Commonwealth ranked as the largest producer of firearms in America, according to Bloomberg News, accounting for about 1 in 4 firearms produced each year – including military assault rifles used in mass shootings. . Outside of Massachusetts, it might seem like a "mind-boggling contradiction," as Bloomberg puts it, that a country that imposes many gun restrictions within its borders is free to export such deadly weapons around the world.
Another major shooting in the news - this time in San Jose, California. - It is long overdue for Massachusetts to resolve this dispute. This month the Globe called for a ban on the manufacture of guns in Massachusetts for sale to people who would not be legal to sell them to citizens here. But this is not enough: the government needs to enforce more transparency from the manufacturers about the equipment that is made here.
Massachusetts Ar 15
The firearms industry in Massachusetts is a source of jobs, with companies manufacturing firearms used by recreational and law enforcement officers. But it also makes assault weapons that are sold to citizens outside the country, such as the AR-15. Massachusetts residents should have the right to know which and how many potentially dangerous products are made here. This is especially true when the gun in question is not for sale here. However, this information is almost impossible to find.
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Even among gun safety experts who study and monitor the industry, there is widespread uncertainty. The arms companies themselves are not secretive about the matter. Although there are federal reporting requirements, they only provide a rough idea. The federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives publishes a list - "Annual Report of Firearm Manufacturers and Exporters" - of the number of guns reported by each manufacturer, broken down by city and state.
However, this report may be delayed by one year, which means that the information is not currently available. In fact, for the most part, disclosure is only required for broad categories: rifles, handguns, rifles, shotguns, and miscellaneous firearms. Only guns are classified by caliber (that is, the diameter of the barrel, which determines both the size of the cartridge the gun takes and the bullet it can fire).
When it comes to long guns, a general category like "firearm" can be a single-shot .22, a target rifle and an entry-level rifle that presents little danger or potential for use in a mass shooting, or it can be an AR-15, the high-capacity magazine-seat rifle that holds the trigger, features Facilitating the execution of mass destruction without the need to aim the gun in the traditional way of slinging it over the shoulder, or with any caution given the limited supply of ammunition before reloading.
State regulators can fill the data gap by requiring gun manufacturers to report to the state what guns they make. This must be done in many ways. First is a list of the name, model number and other descriptions the company uses to market the gun. Looking for information on important features such as standard magazine capacity and whether the gun has a holster will help. Such a law should, of course, authorize firearms to disclose any domestic, non-military, contract-manufactured weapon that cannot legally be sold here, either due to government firearms bans or product safety regulations.
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Although no country currently appears to have such a law, there is precedent for this type of law. In 1983, former governor Michael Dukakis implemented the Legislature's Right to Know Act, which required employers to list about 2,500 substances deemed hazardous to health or safety and disclose any use of those substances to workers and residents. (As the 1980s progressed, federal OSHA standards superseded certain aspects of state laws as they addressed manufacturing.)
During the debate on the right to know the law, companies and trade unions raised concerns about the loss of commercial secrets. A right-to-know law covering dangerous or potentially dangerous products cannot bear this concern. Anyone familiar with guns knows, he said, that Springfield-based Smith & Wesson makes AR-15s. We just don't know, for sure, where they are produced and in what quantity.
This statue would be much better if it was built to give people a way to get information about a wide variety of dangerous or potentially dangerous products, Dukakis says. When it comes to such products, "Why not give the public the right to know?" he asks.
Why not really As with any pioneering legislation, such legislation may face legal challenges. This is an area where Supreme Court rulings do not provide particularly helpful guidance. In some cases, the court has ruled that forcing a company to provide some type of disclosure violates its First Amendment rights of expression. But the court also found that the government has more freedom when the information it discloses is "true and undisputed." While certain guns can certainly be considered controversial, their actual display or integration into the environment should not be considered controversial in itself. The goal is to be clear about the worst products, not criticize the industry entirely.
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In any case, the risk of a conservative procedure in the High Court must be balanced against the value to the public of having factual information about the domestic production of a dangerous product. In this case, the value of this information in an informed debate strongly argues for expanding the public's right to know. The history of American guns begins in Mass. Vestas and some legislators all want to kill him there.
It was during the American Revolution when George Washington's Continental Army ordered ammunition depots and gun carriages to be made in Springfield, Mass. This led to the establishment of the Springfield Armory, from which weapons were made for all American wars. The Vietnam War of 1812 was ended by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara in 1968.
The area of western Massachusetts and Connecticut became known as "Cannon Valley" in later years, as it was home to many firearms that appeared over the years. These include big names like Colt, Remington and Smith & Wesson. Today California and Texas are home to gun-related jobs, but Massachusetts still ranks fifth in the industry's overall economic output, according to the National Shooting Sports Foundation, a firearms trade association.
In what seems like a contradiction, since the Bay State employs many people in the gun industry, Massachusetts now has some of the strictest gun laws in the country.
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However, some lawmakers in Massachusetts want to take it a step further, and now want to ban the "manufacture of assault weapons." Such a move would certainly affect Smith & Wesson, but also a number of smaller gun manufacturers in the country.
Lawmakers don't seem as concerned about lost jobs as they are about saving lives.
"Attacks, military weapons made right here in Massachusetts have been used to kill and injure children and people across the country, from Parkland to Aurora to San Bernardino to Las Vegas and countless communities," the representative said. Marjorie Decker (D - Cambridge), the Boston Herald reported.
Decker and other Democratic lawmakers introduced legislation Tuesday (HD 4192 / SD 2588) that would ban Massachusetts companies from manufacturing so-called "assault weapons" and high-capacity magazines. Both are currently covered under the existing government ban on the purchase and possession of such items.
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Firearms intended for law enforcement, the military or foreign governments would be exempt from the proposed new ban, while handguns would not be affected.
Massachusetts first implemented a statewide assault weapons ban in 1998 after a similar federal law already existed. In 2004, when the federal law was set to expire, Republican Governor Mitt Romney signed a permanent ban into law.
"If we don't create and manufacture military assault weapons here in Massachusetts and affect the ability of private citizens to access those weapons, we know there will be fewer mass shootings," the representative added. Dakar "We know that fewer people will die."
Cambridge Democrats co-sponsored the bill with Democrats and Rep. Frank Moran of Lawrence, Sen. Cynthia Crim of Newton, and Rep. Bud Williams of Springfield, whose district includes Smith & Wesson's headquarters and manufacturing facility.
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Williams said he expects criticism from gun owners and Second Amendment groups, including the National Rifle Association.
"We have a responsibility when we see something wrong, it's wrong, we have to fix it," Williams said. "They will come to argue. Gun rights advocates will have this conversation about my right to bear arms and all that. That's far from the truth. These assault weapons are designed, obvious and
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